Who would
have thought, as the results of Greece’s referendum on July 5 were coming in,
that five weeks later we would be here? The Greek people responded to what was
then the most recent offer from creditors with a resounding “no,” as they had been
urged to by Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras. He promised that a “no” vote would
strengthen his negotiating position and wouldn’t threaten Greece’s membership
in the euro.
Less than a month later, with surprisingly
little fuss, the two sides have reached an agreement on a third bailout. Taking
into account the Greek economy’s relapse into recession, the fiscal targets for
2015-17 have been weakened. The goal is to achieve a primary deficit (before
debt-service costs) of 0.25% of gross domestic product this year and a primary
surplus of 0.5% of GDP next year, rising to 1.5% in 2017. This is far off the
targets of 3% in 2015 and 4.5% in 2016-17 under the previous deal.
Furthermore, the ambitious target currently
envisioned for 2018 - 3.5% of GDP - could be revised downward if there is a
deal in the autumn for long-term debt relief. Locking in current, ultralow
interest rates on the loans from the European Financial Stability Facility,
which make up nearly half of Greece’s debt, would reduce debt-service costs and
eliminate a central rationale for larger surplus targets.
Why the Greek people had to spend six months
on the verge of a collective nervous breakdown and the economy had to tumble
back into recession for this to be agreed upon is something all the main
players in the negotiation ought to ponder.
The most important thing now, though, once
the deal is approved on a political level, is to look to the future and to the
best way to make the new program work. Debt relief, though important, is only
part of the solution. Two priorities must be recapitalizing the banks and
boosting investment.
One urgent question is the extent to which
uninsured depositors will be forced to take haircuts on their deposits - a bail
in. This was done in Cyprus after its 2013 crisis. Unlike that island, the
affected depositors in Greece would mostly be Greek companies, not Russian
oligarchs. Yet direct recapitalization through the European Stability Mechanism
isn’t possible without a bail-in.
The two sides seem to have agreed that there
will be no bail-in. The likeliest solution is that Greece will be saddled with
up to €25 billion ($27.44 billion) in additional debt, which will be used to
recapitalize the banks. The best outcome, as some have noted, would be for the
relevant rules to change, allowing the ESM to participate in the
recapitalization without prior recourse to a bail-in. This would immediately bring
back confidence and allow capital controls to be lifted.
Another problem is the flood of
nonperforming loans drowning bank balance sheets. The new agreement kicks this
can down the road: Creditors rejected Athens’s proposal for a state-run bad
bank, and Athens resisted pressure to get banks to sell off loans en masse to
distressed-debt funds.
Over the longer term, Greece needs to entice
both domestic and foreign investors again. Investment has collapsed, to 11% of
GDP last year from 25% in 2008. The European Commission could help by quickly
mobilizing the €35 billion earmarked for Greece under a European Union-wide
investment scheme developed by Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker. Mr
Tsipras’s government can vigorously implement new pledges to simplify the
regulatory framework for low-risk investment projects and reforms that
stimulate investment and competition - reforms previous governments failed to
push through.
Finally, even if growth picks up faster than
expected, Greece will have to contend with mass unemployment and its dramatic
social consequences for a long time to come. Athens could help matters if it
makes a meticulous effort to target social spending on those in need, weeding
out the likes of fake farmers and early retirees who currently receive but
don’t deserve hand-outs.
The vital condition for any of this to work
is political stability - a calendar free, for the next two years, of election
dates. That looks less and less likely as Mr. Tsipras struggles to manage an
internal rift within his party, raising the prospect that an election may come
as early as next month. Greece’s latest crisis is ending. The next one may soon
begin.
Πηγή: wsj.com
Δεν υπάρχουν σχόλια:
Δημοσίευση σχολίου