In the end,
the populist revolutionaries who swept to power in Latin America a decade ago
proved to be worse than the corrupt oligarchs they replaced. Instead of
ushering in a new day of good governance and transparency, the Bolivarian
revolution is fizzling out under the weight of its own massive corruption, ties
to organized crime, intolerance and megalomania.
What is most disillusioning is that this
discredited generation of revolutionary leaders had a real chance to
substantially remake Latin America by offering a more inclusive, fair and less
corrupt model of government.
Many of the leaders (Luiz Inácio Lula da
Silva, his successor Dilma, Rousseff in Brazil; Daniel Ortega in Nicaragua;
Salvador Sánchez Cerén in El Salvador) had actually put their lives on the line
to defeat the old authoritarian and exclusionary order. Others like Rafael
Correa in Ecuador; Hugo Chávez in Venezuela; Evo Morales in Bolivia were
genuine political outsiders with a real opportunity to create new governance
models unmoored from the chokehold of traditional elites. Some, like
Argentina’s Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, were simply megalomaniacal. All failed abysmally.
Hugo Chávez, who used his oil wealth and
personal popularity to help elect his regional Bolivarian allies eventually presided
over narco-state that made the massive corruption of his predecessors seem like
child’s play. His successor Nicolás Maduro, is president of a country with the
largest oil reserves in the world yet unable to provide food, toilet paper,
medicine or employment for an increasingly restive population.
Lula and Dilma, a labor leader and former
guerrilla, are now enmeshed in a sprawling corruption scandal far larger than
the webs of thievery spun by their predecessors. Their attempts to secure
immunity have further tarnished their legacies.
Ortega has become so blatant at fixing
elections and having his family vacuum up all public contracts and oil revenues
that his wealth far surpasses that of Anastacio Somoza, whom he overthrew.
Sánchez Cerén’s government and party control hundreds of millions of dollars
that do not pass through the national budget or oversight, and whose origin is
entirely opaque.
The financial volumes flowing through the
parallel structures for personal and party benefit are orders of magnitude
greater than the right-wing oligarchs that once paid for death squads to kill
communists. Fernández de Kirchner’s personal wealth - just that declared
publicly - rose by more than 1,300 percent during her time in government. Law
enforcement investigations have documented the movement of millions of dollars
by her closest associates to offshore havens and front companies.
Many in Latin America, given the failure of
past models, held out hope for the revolution, often in the face of
overwhelming evidence of its failure, The chickens are finally coming home to
roost for the leaders of the Pink Revolution promising a new Socialist utopia.
Fernández de Kirchner’s handpicked successor
lost despite the widespread illegal use of government assets deployed to save
him. Maduro presided over electoral system rigged to ensure his victory yet saw
the opposition gain a two-thirds majority in the Congress.
The same record of failure distinguishes the
other self-proclaimed revolutionary leaders. Morales, the one-time peasant
leader now fond of $200 haircuts and questionable multi-million dollar
contracts for his mistresses, lost many of the most important cities in the
last year’s congressional elections then lost his bid to authorize his own
reelection earlier this year. Correa, facing an impeding economic calamity, has
announced he will not seek reelection. Sánchez Cerén is presiding over an
unprecedented rise in violence that has seen El Salvador rocket to the least
coveted title of most violent nation in the world.
The looming question is what comes next. At
a time of massive global changes, simply returning to the past will only insure
continued instability and violence. The populist revolution’s political
repression effectively decapitated an entire generation of young leaders who
could have brought true democratic change.
What remains is an inchoate movement
striving to sweep out the venal and incompetent leadership, caught between the
failure of the cronyism of the neo-liberal reformers and the rank incompetence,
hypocrisy, intolerance and kleptomania of revolutionaries proclaiming Socialism
for the 21st Century.
It is incumbent on the functioning
democracies of the region such as Chile, Uruguay and Colombia, along with the
United States, the Organization of American States and European allies to lend
political and economic support to whatever new models and leaders emerge, as
long as they are genuinely democratic and transparent.
Argentina’s Macri and the OAS’s Luis Almagro
have begun a healthy trend of publicly confronting the anti-democratic forces
in the region and demanding accountability. Others should follow suit to help
the region find a viable democratic way forward.
Πηγή: miamiherald.com
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