Greece will
never be able to pay all its owes and the sooner its principal creditors—the
European Union, European Central Bank and International Monetary—face reality,
the better for everyone.
A
disorderly collapse of Greek finances would do few involved—or global
markets—much good but it’s foolish to believe more austerity and labor market
reforms could fix Greece.
Thanks to
austerity imposed since 2010, Athens has accomplished a primary national budget
surplus. Spending, net of interest payments, is about 1 percent of GDP, and
private sector wages have fallen some 25 percent.
Contrary to
the predictions of German Chancellor Angela Merkel and IMF Managing Director
Christine Legarde, those have not rekindled growth. GDP is down 25 percent and
national debt has soared from 130 to 180 percent of GDP.
Servicing
that debt would require a primary surplus of almost 6 percent of GDP—assuming
creditors would accept a paltry 3 percent on bonds—and send Greece into a death
spiral.
The
required additional spending cuts and tax increases, applying conservative
macroeconomic assumptions, would shrink the economy by another 6 percent. That
would impel even more spending cuts, tax increases and economic downsizing.
The Greek
government owes €131 billion—with the Troika holding in one form or another
about €100 billion. Only forgiving half—likely more—of that debt offers any
hope of stabilizing Greece, but politics and simple ignorance stand in the way.
Germany
would take a big haircut on any Greek restructuring, and German voters suffer
the fantasy they are rugged and industrious, whereas the Greeks are indolent
and deadbeats.
Although
Germany has greatly reformed the letter of its employment laws to be in step
with the requirements of global competition, during the recent financial crisis
Berlin paid private employers to keep huge numbers of workers on the job. It
seems reforms apply only when more generous policies are not needed to keep
everyone employed.
Pushing
down wages hasn’t worked for Greece, because it lacks a well-developed export
sector in manufacturing. A good deal of its private foreign revenues flow from
petroleum refining and shipping, and those are not as sensitive to movements in
wages as stitching apparel and assembling iPhones in Asia. The constant fiscal
crisis and uncertainly about Greek membership in the EU and tariff free access
to western European markets discourages new foreign investment to exploit lower
wages.
For Germany
and other creditors, the only sensible options are to accept big losses on the
debt they hold now or let Greece leave the euro altogether. The latter would
impose losses as the Greek debt remarked in drachma fell in value as the new
currency depreciated to balance Greece’s foreign payments and receipts.
The size of
those losses would depend on the terms of the divorce. If Greece were permitted
to remain a member of the EU without the euro, or at least continue to have
tariff free access to EU markets, it would attract more foreign investment and
the drachma depreciation and creditor haircuts would be more limited than if
Germany and the others insisted on banishing Greece from the EU altogether.
At some
point the facts and reason must triumph, but that may require new leadership in
Germany and the IMF—leaders willing to see the light of day.
(Πηγή: foxnews.com)

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